Chinese-made AH4 155mm howitzers have appeared for the first time with the UAE-backed Southern Giants Brigades in Yemen, marking another overseas deployment of the lightweight artillery system as the conflict’s dynamics continue to shift. The same model was recently documented with the UAE-supported Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Sudan. According to data from the Stockholm […]The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is fast becoming a global hub for cryptocurrency trading. With forward-looking regulations, booming investor interest, and favorable tax policies, the region is attracting both retail and institutional crypto players. If you’re a UAE resident or someone looking to trade from the Emirates, choosing the right exchange is critical not just for liquidity or trading tools, but for security, regulatory compliance, and local payment support.
In this post, we’ll walk through the top-rated crypto exchanges for UAE users in 2025–2026, explain what makes them stand out, and help you decide which one is best for your needs.
In order to dive into the specific platforms, it is essential to explain why the UAE crypto environment is a localized one:
Here are some of the most trusted, popular, and regulation-aligned exchanges that UAE users are relying on right now:
Let’s dive into each one.
Binance is among the largest crypto exchanges globally, and its UAE presence is especially powerful thanks to its local integration and regulatory alignment. According to industry sources, it’s backed by Abu Dhabi’s MGX with a significant investment, underscoring its long-term commitment to the region.
Key Highlights:
Considerations:
Best For: Traders who want all-in-one functionality — from simple buys to advanced derivatives.
BitOasis is one of the UAE’s native crypto exchanges. Licensed under the Dubai Virtual Assets Regulatory Authority (VARA), it offers a sense of trust and strong local credibility.
Considerations:
Best For: UAE residents who prefer a locally regulated, simple, and compliant platform with AED support.
Bybit relocated much of its operations to Dubai, underscoring its commitment to the UAE market. Known for its powerful derivatives infrastructure, it’s perfect for active and professional traders.
Key Highlights:
Considerations:
Best For: Experienced traders and derivatives users looking for a powerful, regulated platform in the UAE.
Although Rain is based in Bahrain, it’s very popular in the UAE and fully licensed. Its regional focus and compliance lean make it a trusted exchange for Middle Eastern traders.
Key Highlights:
Considerations:
Best For: UAE users who prefer a regulated, fee-efficient, and regionally trusted platform.
OKX has grown its UAE operations and is considered one of the most feature-rich platforms available, especially under local regulatory regimes.
Key Highlights:
Considerations:
Best For: Experienced UAE-based traders who want access to a powerful, multi-product crypto platform.
CoinMENA is another standout, especially for users who prioritize regulatory alignment and Middle Eastern presence.
Key Highlights:
Considerations:
Best For: Traders focused on a locally regulated, regionally trusted exchange with compliance at the forefront.
Although not UAE-native, Kraken is a global exchange with strong security and now supports UAE users in meaningful ways.
Key Highlights:
Considerations:
Best For: Security-conscious traders who want a reliable global exchange with strong regulatory and technical backing.
With all these alternatives, which one do you choose? The following are the main considerations that can be made to suit UAE residents:
Regulatory Compliance
Ensure that the exchange is registered under the VARA, ADGM or other authorities. Ensure strong KYC/AML policies and ensure that they are in line with your risk tolerance. Your funds and trades are safe as long as you are in regulatory compliance.
AED Support
In case you want to deposit or withdraw money in UAE dirhams, you should prioritize doing an exchange where AED can be transferred to the bank or a transaction with a card. Not every P2P or global exchange works with AED without complications, thus this could save time and cost.
Trading Needs
Beginners can use simple platforms like BitOasis or Rain, while advanced traders may prefer OKX, Binance, or Bybit for derivatives, leverage, and staking.
Security
Prioritize exchanges with cold storage, multi-signature wallets, and strong reputations (e.g., Kraken, Binance).Transparency report on checks or insurance cover.
Customer Support
Arabic/English local assistance is quite welcome. Search 24/7 support and regional support.
Fees
Compare trading costs, depositing & withdrawing costs, and spreads. Think about the spreads on AED pairs- sometimes free trading is not free.
As a business with intentions of developing your own platform, collaboration with a crypto exchange development company will provide your exchange with reliability, legality, and ease of use.
The UAE has set its sights on becoming a global crypto hub. Here’s what to watch for in 2026 and beyond:
The crypto industry in the UAE is growing at an exceptional pace, creating vast opportunities for startups, entrepreneurs, and forward-thinking businesses. With clearer regulations, rising institutional participation, and banking integrations, including Shariah-compliant options, the market is becoming safer, smarter, and more innovative than ever.
For startups, this is the perfect moment to build new products, introduce fresh solutions, and capture emerging market gaps. Every new regulation, platform, or technological advancement opens the door to growth and innovation.
The UAE is rapidly positioning itself as a global crypto hub, and for businesses willing to innovate, the opportunities are limitless. The market is evolving fast.
Are you ready to make your mark? The market is evolving. Are you ready to make your mark?
2026 Guide to the Most Trusted Crypto Exchanges in the UAE was originally published in Coinmonks on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.
French forces deployed to the United Arab Emirates completed three days of high-intensity military training in desert conditions, operating Leclerc tanks, CAESAR artillery systems, and VBCI infantry fighting vehicles as part of a broader joint exercise with Emirati partners, according to material released by the French military. The training included maneuver drills, live-fire sequences, and […]Animoca Brands is taking a major step in its regulated expansion strategy as it secures initial approval to set up a fund management business in Abu Dhabi.
The move signals a deeper shift in how the company wants to operate across the Middle East, with a focus on building a structured, compliant base for its growing investment activities.
Abu Dhabi’s Financial Services Regulatory Authority granted the in-principle approval on November 24, giving the company a clear path toward full permission once it completes the required capital, compliance, and operational processes.
This early approval adds new direction to Animoca’s efforts to formalise its presence in a region that is fast becoming a centre for digital asset companies.
The firm sees the UAE as a growing market where regulated structures can attract both traditional investors and digital-native participants.
With operations already established in Dubai, the company is now tying its regional strategy to a framework that supports managed funds and institutional-grade products.
The approval allows Animoca Brands to move closer to managing collective investment funds from within the UAE.
This is important for the business because it positions the firm to support institutional clients under a regulated environment.
Animoca already works across several areas of the web3 economy, including advisory services and investment activity, and it maintains a portfolio of more than 600 companies across gaming, infrastructure, digital property rights, and tokenised platforms.
A fund manager licence would give the company a structured base of operations for these investments, creating a unified location for regulated activities across its global network.
It also supports Animoca’s intention to build a wider footprint in markets where regulatory clarity is improving quickly.
By anchoring its investment work in Abu Dhabi, the firm is preparing for a future where compliant digital asset services will become more central to institutional adoption.
Animoca Brands has been steadily expanding its regulatory presence in the Middle East.
In October, the firm secured in-principle approval for a crypto brokerage licence from Dubai’s Virtual Assets Regulatory Authority, allowing it to offer regulated trading services in the emirate.
The combination of approvals in both Abu Dhabi and Dubai shows how the company is shaping its regional strategy through recognised frameworks rather than informal or unregulated operations.
Alongside regulatory progress, Animoca is also working on tokenisation initiatives involving real-world assets.
A recent project involves a limited partnership fund developed with Hong Kong-listed DL Holdings, using the XRP Ledger to structure on-chain vehicles.
The company continues to add new programmes across education finance, token distribution, and web3 gaming, expanding the network of projects connected to its broader ecosystem.
The UAE has become a priority destination for companies operating in the digital economy, and Animoca Brands is using this momentum to anchor its regulated activities in the region.
With clearer rules, new licensing pathways, and rising interest from global investors, the Middle East offers a strategic opportunity for businesses seeking compliant growth.
Animoca’s latest approval places the company at the centre of this shift as institutions look for regulated access to digital assets.
The firm’s chairman, Yat Siu, is scheduled to speak at the Global Blockchain Show 2025 in Abu Dhabi, highlighting the company’s role in regional discussions on digital asset development.
The new approval supports this engagement by giving Animoca a recognised path to expand its fund management and investment work as demand for regulated services continues to increase.
The post Animoca Brands wins Abu Dhabi approval to launch regulated fund appeared first on CoinJournal.
BlackSky, a U.S.-based space intelligence company headquartered in Herndon, Virginia, released a detailed satellite image on November 19 showing the United Arab Emirates’ Al Fursan aerobatic team flying their newly acquired Chinese-built L-15 aircraft during the 2025 Dubai Airshow. The image, captured by one of BlackSky’s real-time Earth observation satellites, shows multiple L-15 trainers in […]In a sharp pivot from its crypto-friendly image, the United Arab Emirates has enacted sweeping new legislation that classifies basic cryptocurrency infrastructure, including Bitcoin wallets, as potentially criminal unless licensed by the Central Bank.
Legal experts from Gibson Dunn have flagged the law’s scope as unusually broad, warning that its language introduces significant risk for global technology providers.
This shift, embedded in Federal-Decree Law No. 6 of 2025, comes into force from 16 September and carries global consequences for developers and platforms offering crypto access.
The law replaces the 2018 banking statute and significantly widens the definition of financial activity. What sets this legislation apart is not only its scope but also its enforcement teeth.
Penalties for non-compliance range from fines of AED 50,000 to AED 500,000,000 (up to $136,000,000) and may include imprisonment.
Importantly, this applies not just to entities operating within the UAE but also to those whose products are accessible from within the country.
The most consequential element of the new law is found in Article 62. It grants the Central Bank control over any technology that “engages in, offers, issues, or facilitates” financial activity.
The wording is broad enough to encompass self-custodial wallets, API services, blockchain explorers, analytics platforms, and even decentralised protocols.
This marks a fundamental change in how crypto infrastructure is regulated in the UAE.
Previously, licensing obligations focused on traditional financial entities, but the updated framework shifts this focus to include software and data tools.
According to developer analysis, even public-facing tools such as CoinMarketCap and open-source Bitcoin wallets may now require licensing to remain accessible within the UAE.
For the first time, developers may face criminal penalties for offering unlicensed crypto tools, even if they are based abroad.
This extension of jurisdiction signals a new regulatory posture that treats access to crypto as tightly as its ownership or exchange.
The crackdown does not stop at financial infrastructure. Article 61 of the same law defines the marketing, promotion, or advertising of financial services as a licensable activity.
In practice, this means that simply hosting a website, publishing an article, or sharing a tweet about an unlicensed crypto service could be considered a legal violation if that content reaches UAE residents.
This change dramatically expands the compliance footprint for companies and developers.
Gibson Dunn highlights that these provisions materially broaden the enforcement perimeter, especially for firms with no formal presence in the UAE.
The law applies to communications that originate outside the country but are accessible inside it.
The result is a regulatory landscape where developers, content creators, and infrastructure providers must weigh whether their platforms are indirectly accessible by users in the UAE.
In many cases, avoiding legal exposure may require disabling access or halting service altogether.
Over recent years, the UAE has positioned itself as a hub for blockchain innovation.
Jurisdictions such as Dubai’s Virtual Assets Regulatory Authority (VARA) and Abu Dhabi Global Market (ADGM) attracted global attention with purpose-built crypto licensing frameworks.
However, the new federal law overrides these free-zone arrangements, asserting Central Bank control nationwide.
Federal law supersedes any rules introduced by the UAE’s free zones, effectively dissolving the regulatory arbitrage that once drew companies to Dubai.
The broader context includes the country’s history of digital restrictions.
For instance, WhatsApp voice calls remain blocked across the UAE, reinforcing a consistent policy approach to centralised control over communications and digital tools.
While this may bring the UAE in closer alignment with international pressure from groups like the Financial Action Task Force, it also puts crypto service providers in a difficult position.
In other jurisdictions facing similar pressure, firms have withdrawn entirely to avoid enforcement risk.
Entities have a one-year window from 16 September 2025 to come into compliance. This grace period may be extended at the discretion of the Central Bank.
During this time, further regulations are expected to clarify how these broad rules will be applied in practice.
Despite this, the scope of the law is already causing concern.
The language around facilitation and communication, combined with the severe penalties under Article 170, suggests that firms offering crypto tools globally must now consider the risk of incidental exposure to UAE users.
For software developers and platform operators, this marks a significant departure from the norms of decentralised access and open-source innovation.
The post UAE makes Bitcoin wallets a crime risk in global tech crackdown appeared first on CoinJournal.
EDGE and Anduril have announced plans to form a major joint venture aimed at accelerating the design and production of autonomous systems for civil and defense use across the Middle East. The companies describe the initiative as a step that deepens the long-standing U.S.–UAE defense partnership by placing advanced, software-defined capabilities into regional production and […]
DEEP DIVE — Entire cities in the Darfur region of Sudan have been burned and razed, millions have fled their homes, and unspeakable terror and violence plague those left behind. When fighting erupted on April 15, 2023, between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) under Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, better known as Hemedti, few predicted the conflict would become one of Africa’s worst humanitarian disasters.
There is, however, more to this war than just an internal battleground. The war in Darfur is no longer simply a domestic power struggle. It has become a multilayered proxy battlefield involving Egypt, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia, Russia, Iran and more — each supporting rival Sudanese actors to secure strategic footholds.
“The current phase has Darfur as a killing field. The Sudanese protagonists have sorted out somewhat the areas each controls. Still, on the political front, both are committed to eliminating the other in a fight to the finish,” United States Ambassador to Sudan during the George W. Bush administration, Cameron Hume, tells The Cipher Brief. “There may be agreement on a time-limited humanitarian ceasefire, but no one is aiming at a durable political settlement between the two main parties.”
Infographic with a map showing areas controlled by the army, the Rapid Support Forces and neutral groups in Sudan as of September 23, 2025, according to the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute and the AFP. (Infographic with a map showing areas controlled by the army, the Rapid Support Forces and neutral groups in Sudan as of September 23, 2025, according to the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute and the AFP (Graphic by AFP) (Graphic by Olivia Bugault, Valentina Breschi, Nalini Lepetit-Chella/AFP via Getty Images)
United Arab Emirates
Despite official denials, the UAE remains the RSF’s cornerstone patron in Darfur, suspected of funneling advanced weaponry — including Chinese CH-95 and “Long Wang 2” strategic drones for 24-hour surveillance and strikes, Norinco-guided bombs, howitzers, and thermobaric munitions —via a covert air bridge of more than 240 UAE-chartered flights from November 2024, often landing at Chad’s Amdjarass airfield or South Darfur’s Nyala base.
These supplies, additionally routed through Libyan intermediaries like Khalifa Haftar’s networks and Ugandan/Somali airfields, have empowered RSF assaults, such as the latest siege and takeover of El Fasher. Economically, UAE-based firms like Hemedti’s Al-Junaid control Darfur’s Jebel Amer and Songo gold mines, exporting $1.6B in 2024, reportedly laundered via seven sanctioned Dubai entities to fund RSF salaries, Colombian mercenaries and further arms.
“The United Arab Emirates is the key sponsor of the RSF in strategic terms. Its interest is to convert influence in western Sudan into leverage over corridors, gold monetization and logistics, and to prevent an outcome in which Islamists consolidate in Khartoum,” Dr. Andreas Krieg, Associate Professor at King’s College London, tells The Cipher Brief.
Sudan’s gold — its primary export — has also become a lifeline for the UAE, feeding Dubai’s markets with more than ten tons a year from RSF-controlled areas. The trade aligns with Abu Dhabi’s long-term ambitions and its stance against the Muslim Brotherhood, as well as its past reliance on RSF fighters in Yemen. Despite Emirati denials and Sudan’s failed genocide case against the UAE at the ICJ, evidence ties the UAE directly to embargo breaches, from passports recovered in Omdurman to Emirati-made vehicles found at RSF sites.
As the UAE expands its influence through RSF control of Darfur’s 700-kilometer Red Sea corridor, reviving stalled DP World and AD Ports projects to rival Saudi NEOM, it effectively uses the militia as a proxy to secure resources and block SAF dominance. Approximately 70 percent of Sudan’s gold production from RSF-controlled areas is smuggled through Dubai, while overall illicit exports account for around 40 percent of the country’s total gold output.
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Turkey
Ankara, seeing the Darfurian conflict as both a threat to its regional ambitions and a challenge to Islamist allies, has backed al-Burhan’s forces with drones worth $120 million, delivered through Egypt. Their weapons supply assisted SAF in retaking Khartoum earlier this year but comes with deeper incentives: ideological ties with Burhan’s Islamist faction and strategic objectives for Red Sea access.
“Turkey’s quiet intelligence-sharing and counterterrorism pacts give it outsized sway over local regimes,” John Thomas, managing director of strategic policy firm Nestpoint Associates, tells The Cipher Brief.
The result, experts say, is a dangerous and growing proxy war between the UAE and Turkey — one now fought with advanced drones and air defenses across Sudan’s skies. The stalemate has fractured the country, spilled instability into Chad and Libya, and left tens of thousands dead, a toll experts warn could further destabilize the Horn of Africa.
Beyond the pace and scale of Turkish arms transfers, the presence of Turkish private military contractors (PMCs) in Africa merits closer scrutiny.
“In addition to the pace and spread of Turkey’s arms flow, I would say the presence of Turkish PMCs in Africa is something policymakers really ought to focus on more closely,” Will Doran, Turkey researcher at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, tells The Cipher Brief. “A lot of these PMCs, like Erdogan himself, are warm towards the Muslim Brotherhood and have some questionable ties to Islamist militias on the ground in the Sahel. This isn’t to say Turkey is backing the region’s big names in terrorism. For one, Ankara’s deployed against al-Shabaab in Somalia, but the PMC trend is worrisome nonetheless.”
Egypt
Egypt views Sudan as a vital flank for its national interests. The Nile River flows from Sudan into Egypt, and Cairo has long been vigilant about any instability upstream. Egypt supports General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and his Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) because Cairo views them as the most dependable group to safeguard Egypt’s key national interests — namely, the Nile River corridor, which is Egypt’s sustenance for water and trade, and the southern border, which it shares with Sudan.
According to Dr. Krieg, “Egypt is the principal state backer of the army.”
“Its strategic priorities are the security of the Nile heartland, avoidance of an Islamist resurgence, and denial of hostile basing or rival influence along the Red Sea,” he continued.
Egypt, already hosting more than a million refugees, also fears that if Khartoum collapses into chaos, the resulting instability — such as refugee flows, arms trafficking, or militant activity — could spill over the border into its territory. Diplomatically, Cairo has kept direct intervention limited and insists on a Sudan-led solution, yet it retains close military and political ties to Burhan.
Saudi Arabia
Riyadh shares a parallel concern: as the Gulf kingdom pursues its Vision 2030 and Red Sea coastal investments, it has an interest in a stable Sudan firmly aligned with its regional agenda. Riyadh has backed the SAF via financial and diplomatic support, while also positioning itself as a mediator.
“Saudi Arabia is perhaps the outside player with potential influence that gets the least attention,” said Amb. Hume.
Dr. Krieg also observed that “Saudi Arabia has positioned itself as a convenor and would prefer a unified state that secures the Red Sea.”
“Chad and the Haftar camp in eastern Libya function as corridors and logistics enablers, and their choices directly affect the intensity of fighting in Darfur,” he explained. “Those intermediaries in Libya and Chad are all part of the UAE’s Axis of Secessionists; a network of non-state actors that are all tied to Abu Dhabi directly or indirectly.”
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Iran
Since late 2023, Iran has resumed ties with SAF leader Abdel Fattah al-Burhan after a seven-year break, sending Mohajer-6 and Ababil drones, artillery, and intel via seven Qeshm Fars Air flights to Port Sudan from December 2023 through July 2024. This aid helped SAF retake Khartoum in March 2025 and strike RSF in Darfur. In addition, Iran uses Sudan’s Yarmouk arms factory to counter the UAE-backed RSF. Tehran’s overarching goal? Access to Port Sudan to support the Houthis in Yemen and spread Shiite influence — risking wider regional proxy conflict.
“Iran’s military support has helped shift momentum toward the SAF. As one of many foreign actors exacerbating Sudan’s internal tensions, Iran contributes to the country’s unfolding humanitarian disaster,” Jonathan Ruhe, Director of Foreign Policy at the JINSA Gemunder Center for Defense & Strategy, tells The Cipher Brief. “And as one of many foreign actors trying to claim concessions from the government and vying to exploit Sudan’s natural resources, Iran helps worsen the country’s already high levels of impoverishment.
Research Fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, Husain Abdul-Hussain, also underscored that while Iranian involvement in Sudan is still in its infancy, “it will certainly grow as the war grinds on.”
“The more reliant Islamist militias become on Iran, the stronger they become and the more indebted to Tehran,” he explained. “Eventually, relations between Iran and Sudanese Islamist militias will be similar to its relations with Islamist militias in Lebanon (Hezbollah), Iraq (Hashd Shaabi), Gaza (Hamas) and Yemen (Houthis). Note that Sudan Islamist militias are Sunni (like Hamas in Gaza), and unlike Shia Iran and its Lebanese and Iraqi Shia militias. The Houthis are their own breed of Islam (Yazidis) but are allied with Shia Iran.”
Russia
Moscow, meanwhile, has played both sides in Sudan’s civil war for profit and power. Before 2024, the Wagner Group, now under Russia’s Defense Ministry, backed the RSF with arms like surface-to-air missiles, in return for gold from RSF-held mines like Jebel Amer — smuggling up to 32.7 tons worth $1.9 billion via Dubai from 2022 to 2023 to skirt Ukraine war sanctions and fund operations. This fueled RSF violence, including the 2023 to 2025 massacres in el-Geneina and el-Fasher.
Around midway through last year, in the aftermath of Prigozhin’s demise, Moscow flipped to bolstering the SAF in its quest for a Port Sudan naval base. Russia subsequently vetoed a UN ceasefire resolution last November to keep up its influence in Khartoum, while reports emerged of Russian mercenaries operating in West Darfur, worsening the fear and displacement.
“Russia linked commercial and security networks remain present around gold flows and in facilitation roles close to the RSF camp,” said Dr. Krieg.
Why So Many Foreign Players?
At the heart of Sudan’s crisis lie three intertwined forces: geography, resources, and regional rivalry. Poised along the Nile, the Red Sea, and the Horn of Africa, Sudan is pivotal to everything from Cairo’s water security to the maritime goals of Gulf States to the influence ambitions of Moscow and Ankara. Moreover, its ports and resource-rich land have morphed domestic infighting into a lucrative war economy.
“Material backing has lengthened the war and structured its geography,” Mr. Krieg said. “The result is not a decisive victory for either side but a hardening of zones, with the RSF advantaged in a peripheral theatre where it can police corridors and extract revenue, and the army entrenched where the state’s core institutions, population and donor attention reside.”
Why It’s So Hard to End the War
With so many players in the field and a deep distrust among warring parties, ending the war in Sudan has become extraordinarily difficult. The United States, for its part, leads the “Quad” alongside the UAE, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, pushing for a three-month humanitarian truce. The RSF agreed to a deal on November 6, and Washington is now pressing the Sudanese army to do the same in hopes of easing the fighting and starting talks on the war’s deeper causes.
If the war in Sudan continues, the U.S. faces a growing humanitarian catastrophe: estimates suggest more than 150,000 deaths and over 14 million people displaced, with nearly 25 million facing acute hunger. Regionally, unchecked control of the RSF in Darfur could destabilize the Red Sea corridor, a vital route for global trade and U.S. allies. Domestically, failure to resolve the conflict would erode U.S. credibility on human rights and genocide prevention, heighten refugee pressures in North Africa and Europe, and contradict the moral precedent set during the 2003 Darfur genocide.
“Washington will be paying more attention,” one White House-connected source tells The Cipher Brief. “It isn’t ignored. It is a conflict Trump wants to see ended.”
Dr. Krieg asserted that Sudan is entering a consolidation phase in which the Rapid Support Forces have turned Darfur into a defensible rear area and administrative base. The fall of El Fasher removed the last significant government foothold in the region. It gave the RSF control of the interior lines across West, South, Central, and much of North Darfur, as well as access to Libya and Chad for resupply and commerce.
He thus asserts that Sudan’s future is likely to go one of two ways.
“The Sudanese Armed Forces still hold the Nile corridor, the capital area and much of the east, which creates a west versus centre geography. That configuration points to two near-term paths. Either the front stabilises into a frozen conflict that resembles an informal partition, or the RSF seeks to push east through North Kordofan and test the approaches to the center,” Dr. Krieg added. “Humanitarian conditions are acute, with siege tactics, displacement and food insecurity now baked into the conflict economy. The political tempo has slowed rather than accelerated, since battlefield gains in Darfur give the RSF reasons to bank advantages before contemplating concessions.”
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Microsoft is interested in AI and cloud with its long-term investment plan in the United Arab Emirates.
The post Microsoft Makes $15B Investment in UAE appeared first on TechRepublic.
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